"Batkivshchyna" and Verbytsky's Money: How Tymoshenko's Party Became a Political Safe Haven for the Former Deputy Prosecutor General
On January 13, anti-corruption agencies conducted searches at the central office of the “Batkivshchyna” party on Turivska Street in Kyiv. Investigative activities by the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU) and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO) continued throughout the night, and by morning, faction leader Yulia Tymoshenko had been officially charged with offering unlawful benefits to members of parliament.
Tymoshenko herself denies the charges, calling the case a politically motivated smear campaign and an act of revenge by anti-corruption agencies for her stance on attempts to limit NABU’s powers in the summer of 2025.
During the searches, law enforcement officers seized communication devices, documents, and cash, which the politician described as her “personal savings.” A search was also conducted in the office of her deputy, Serhiy Vlasenko, who was abroad at the time of the search. Vlasenko himself viewed this as pressure on the activities of the Verkhovna Rada’s temporary investigative commission, although investigators insist the proceedings are purely criminal in nature.
Evidence from the Investigation
According to investigators, the key evidence in the case consists of audio recordings in which a female voice, resembling that of Yulia Tymoshenko, discusses with members of parliament a mechanism for regular payments in exchange for loyalty during votes in the Verkhovna Rada.
The payments in question amount to approximately $10,000 for two parliamentary sessions. According to the NABU, the goal was to form a controlled group of deputies within the “Servant of the People” majority to influence key votes and personnel decisions.
The negotiations were allegedly conducted via the Signal messaging app. The arrest took place that same evening when, according to the investigation, the next tranche of $40,000 was supposed to be handed over.
The Prosecutor’s Trail: The Role of Dmytro Verbytskyi
Another key figure has unexpectedly emerged in this case—former Deputy Prosecutor General Dmytro Verbytskyi. According to UA.NEWS sources, he may have been one of the financial backers of the scheme to bribe lawmakers.
After being dismissed from the Office of the Prosecutor General amid allegations of illicit enrichment, Verbytsky joined the Odesa branch of the “Batkivshchyna” party and, according to sources interviewed by the editorial staff, was preparing for a political career at the parliamentary level.
Verbytskyi’s close friend, Kristina Ilnytska, played an important role in his financial transactions. She headed the party’s youth organization and was likely involved in laundering funds through third parties; in particular, money was laundered with the help of an escort agency in Turkey.
It is telling that after Yulia Tymoshenko was charged, Verbytskyi himself effectively disappeared from the public eye and has refrained from making any comments.
Verbitsky’s Money for “Batkivshchyna”
In Odesa, Dmytro Verbytskyi has a joint business venture with his nephew and the family of the new head of the party’s city chapter, Dmytro Zheman.
The business is called “Baltic Auto Shipping Ukraine” LLC. As of 2025, the company is jointly owned by Yevhen Verbytskyi (the former prosecutor’s nephew) and Tetiana Zheman—Dmytro Zheman’s wife.
The company’s director is Andriy Zaitsev—an individual who was previously involved in a scheme to launder Verbytskyi’s funds through the purchase of a car worth 1.6 million UAH. The profits of “Baltic Auto Shipping Ukraine,” LLC—which operates in the transportation and auto parts trade sectors—may be used as a shared financial resource for party activities and election campaigns.
Why Does Verbytsky Need “Batkivshchyna”?
It is known that Verbytskyi did not join the Odesa branch of “Batkivshchyna” alone—he brought his entire family into the party: his common-law wife, Kristina Ilnytska, heads the party’s youth organization. Ilnytska’s son, Nikita, also actively participates in party events.
Why Verbytsky Was Dismissed from the Office of the Prosecutor General
The official reason given for Dmytro Verbytskyi’s dismissal from the position of Deputy Prosecutor General was “his own request.” This decision was prompted by journalistic investigations that revealed a stark discrepancy between his official income and his lifestyle.
One of the first issues to come to light was his residence in the upscale “Konik” cottage community near Kyiv. According to documents, the house was registered for 2 million hryvnias, although its market value was estimated at more than 18.5 million hryvnias. The transaction was handled by Verbytskyi’s nephew, and the former Deputy Prosecutor General himself was present during the signing of the documents.
Assets Worth Tens of Millions and the NACP’s Findings
A second wave of investigations revealed even more extensive assets. A neighboring estate in the same cottage community was purchased by Kristina Ilnytska—for the same 2 million hryvnias, despite a market value of approximately 48 million hryvnias.
After these facts were made public, the NACP conducted an audit and concluded that Dmytro Verbytskyi had acquired unjustified assets totaling 28.9 million UAH—the origin of which could not be confirmed by legal income.
Why the Verbytsky Case Has “Stalled” at NABU
The lack of active action by NABU in the Verbytskyi case draws particular attention. Activists and the media directly point to sabotage on the part of investigators: Verbytskyi’s assets are being transferred to third parties, and investigators refuse to even provide a case number.
Perhaps the explanation for this lies in the past of former NABU head Semen Kryvonos? In 2009, Semen Kryvonos was a campaigner for the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc (BYuT) and became a defendant in a case involving voter bribery (he received and distributed money in exchange for votes for the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc).
At the time, Kryvonos was saved by an amnesty law, and later the court’s decision mysteriously disappeared from the court records. It is quite likely that the long-standing friendship between Kryvonos and Yulia Tymoshenko is now providing immunity to the party’s new sponsor, Dmytro Verbytskyi.
The Port of Odesa and “Raido Terminal”
At the same time, Verbytskyi—no longer holding an official position—retained influence over logistics operations in the Odesa region. The central entity in this scheme is likely Raido Terminal LLC, which operates in the state-owned Pivdennyi Port.
The company, with just two employees, reported a turnover of 180 million hryvnia in 2023 and over 312 million hryvnia in the first 10 months of 2024. Behind it are Dmytro Verbytskyi and his former boss Andriy Kostin, while day-to-day operations are managed by their mutual godfather—attorney Oleksandr Kozlov.
The port’s financial flows pass through this structure, which, according to investigators, end up in the pockets of connected individuals.
Double Standards
Yulia Tymoshenko publicly announced the creation of the Coalition for National Unity in parliament. She called on political forces to reach an agreement among themselves to end the war, rebuild the country, and fight corruption. At the same time, memorandums are being signed with the #SaveFOP movement—with statements about protecting small businesses and resisting tax pressure.
It is noteworthy that this very political environment has become a comfortable one for Dmytro Verbytskyi, whose wealth—amounting to over 29 million hryvnias—the National Agency for Corruption Prevention has deemed unjustified.
A dissertation against corruption and renting from a friend: the controversial Dmytro Verbytskyi explains how he’s evading mobilization and court proceedings
Instead of facing trial, the scandal-ridden former official is now calmly sipping coffee and building a political career, complaining to investigative journalists’ cameras: “I don’t live a lavish life, but I don’t live poorly either.” What’s more, it turns out that his luxurious home in the capital is simply an act of incredible generosity from a friend. Commenting on the pittance-like rent for a house in an elite cottage community, Verbytskyy looks journalists straight in the eye and assures them: “I’m renting it from a friend of mine. Well, this isn’t a perk; these are average market rates for house rentals, uh, in this region. And this has been verified, uh, by NAZK officials.”
While the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU) and the National Agency for Corruption Prevention (NAZK) seem to be trying to find their way to court for the third year in a row, the former lawyer has found a foolproof way to avoid mobilization—he’s become a graduate student and is working on his dissertation. The topic of this academic work by a man with millions in unexplained assets is simply mockingly perfect: “anti-corruption legislation.” Asserting that “I’ve been studying my whole life,” the former prosecutor—who is practically a professor already—has already outlined his plans for the future: “I want to continue working at a university and pass on my knowledge.” And there’s certainly plenty to pass on—for example, a unique scheme for officially earning about $2,000 at the prosecutor’s office while receiving “birthday gifts” from relatives.
“Well, they helped out—they gave me gifts for my birthday, and that was my savings… Well, my mother could have given me $5,000,” the future luminary of science declares without a hint of embarrassment.
When the conversation turns to the origin of his family’s wealth, the classic, rock-solid legend of Ukrainian bureaucracy about wealthy relatives comes into play.
“My father was a captain on a long-haul ship. I think you understand how much a long-haul ship captain earns. Well, starting at $10,000 a month,” Verbytsky boasts. But for some reason, he refused to brag about his new Audi SQ8 worth 100 thousand greenbacks on camera, instantly switching to a tone of aggressive defense:
“Look, this car is registered in my name. You can look it up online. If you want, I’ll come to your studio, I’ll give you an interview, I’ll show you the documents. Show me the questions you want to ask. I’ll answer them. I’ll show you the documents. Conduct the interview objectively. I don’t like provocations like the one you’re pulling right now.” Verbytskyi now plans to scale up all this “anti-corruption” success into the world of big-time politics—he has taken the helm of the district branch of Yulia Tymoshenko’s party. However, even here the logic has gone out the window, because, in the words of the newly minted party member himself: “As of today, whether to go into politics or not—I’m not yet, let’s say, fully ready to go into politics. I am currently a party member and serve as the head of the branch in the Khadzhibeyevsky District. No, I do not sponsor the party.”
Under what exact conditions “Batkivshchyna” took in such a toxic figure remains an open question. For now, Dmytro Anatoliyovych feels so confident and immune from consequences that, instead of sitting in the dock, he’s attacking law enforcement officials himself: “I am currently in a legal battle with the NACP, since the NACP clearly stated in a publication that they found evidence of illicit enrichment on my part, that they identified the elements of a crime, and that all of this was acquired on my instructions.”
The former prosecutor actively flaunts his legal battles on Facebook, personally racking up hundreds of reposts under his own posts to create the illusion of support. However, the public does not find this amusing at all, because behind the facade of these absurd justifications and partisan manipulations, a sad reality is clearly evident: the Verbytsky case may simply be deliberately and artificially stalled behind the scenes by anti-corruption agencies.
As a reminder, UA.News journalists submitted an official inquiry addressed to Yulia Tymoshenko, the chairwoman of the political party “All-Ukrainian Union ‘Batkivshchyna.’” We have been waiting for over a year for confirmation or denial of this information.
